Britain has picked many fights with its European partners at EU summits over the past decades. Few have been as tense as those concerning the bloc’s budget. Back in 1984 Margaret Thatcher famously wielded her handbag at a gathering in Fontainebleau, winning a rebate against the UK’s payments. Now, David Cameron is flexing his muscles in another dispute over the UK’s contribution. Not for the first time, the prime minister’s rage against the EU is an exaggerated response to what is a somewhat modest issue.
Mr Cameron’s fury is over a demand that Britain makes a payment of £1.7bn to the European Commission in Brussels by December 1. The commission has made the request following a recalculation of the size of the UK economy over most of the past 12 years. Under EU budget rules, the richer member states pay more into the club. After a reassessment of UK gross national income conducted by Britain’s Office for National Statistics, the UK has been presented with a bill to cover its underpayments from 2002 to 2013.
Mr Cameron is not the only EU leader angered by this sudden surcharge. At a time when national budgets across the EU are highly constrained, this politically sensitive demand has angered the Dutch. José Manuel Barroso, the president of the European Commission, would have been wise to give an upfront explanation of the move, rather than leaving it to bureaucrats to put out a dry technical note. The commission also risks appearing draconian by demanding repayment from the UK and other states within such a strict deadline.
Yet Mr Cameron’s outburst on Friday – declaring himself to be “downright angry” – is disproportionate. True, £1.7bn looks a large sum when set against the UK’s annual net contribution to the EU of £8.6bn. But the £1.7bn figure is a one-off payment which accounts for less than 0.1 per cent of UK gross national income. Since it is a top-up to UK contributions covering 11 years, Britain is being asked to pay an extra £150m a year over the period. A sum like this would barely deserve a footnote in the UK’s annual accounts.
Nor do the British have grounds to complain over their EU contribution. Britain has become a net contributor to the bloc not only because of its strong economic performance but also because of EU enlargement to eastern Europe. This is a strategic and successful foreign policy goal that Mr Cameron’s predecessors rightly championed. Conservative eurosceptics may be troubled by the flow of immigrants from eastern European states to Britain. Yet one of the most effective ways to cut emigration from countries such as Bulgaria and Romania is to maintain the EU structural funds that help their economies to grow.
The biggest worry about this debacle is the message it sends about Mr Cameron’s European policy. There no longer seem to be any limits to the concessions that the prime minister will make to try to stall the momentum of the UK Independence party before next year’s general election. He has raised the impossible prospect of placing quotas on EU migration to Britain. Now he has turned a marginal question about the bloc’s finances into a row with the allies he needs to take Europe down the road of reform.
If Mr Cameron wins the next election he will hold a referendum on Britain’s membership of the EU. Last year he declared that he would campaign “with all my heart and soul” for Britain to stay in the club. Today, that declaration is barely believable. Mr Cameron looks like someone who will do anything to save his premiership and his party, whatever the cost to his country.